From: Boiling Frogs Post
James Corbett
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Transcript and Sources:
James Corbett
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Transcript and Sources:
The cultivation of what we know today as the opium poppy goes back to
the beginnings of recorded history, when the Sumerians in ancient
Mesopotamia cultivated what they referred to as Hul Gil, or the “joy
plant.” The practice was passed down through the Assyrians to the
Babylonians and from there to the Egyptians, by which time the opium
trade had begun to to fluorish and was fast becoming the lynchpin of
international trade across the Mediterranean into Europe.
Indeed, as far back as one cares to go, control of the international
opium trade has been a key factor in the rise and fall of empires.
During the 18th century,
the British monopolized the opium trade in India and shipped thousands
of chests of opium per year to China as a way of financing their huge
trade deficit with that nation. When the Chinese cracked down on opium
trafficking in the mid-19th century, the British fought two wars to
ensure their Chinese opium market.
By the 1830s, American traders were already getting in on the act, with Samuel Russell’s “Russell & Company” becoming the largest American trading house in China. Russell’s cousin, William Huntington Russell, founded Skull & Bones,
a secret society at Yale that has formed the core of the American
intelligence establishment, a set of documentable facts that the
establishment media seems eager to avoid.
The association between Skull and Bones and the American intelligence
establishment from the OSS to the CIA is well-established by now, with a
litany of agents, directors, and of course Director of Central
Intelligence, George “Poppy” Bush himself, having been Bonesmen before
being recruited for the agency. But the connection between the CIA and
the international drug trade is not simply a historical one about 19th
century opium traders.
Just as the British empire was in part financed by their control of
the opium trade through the British East India Company, so too has the
CIA been found time after time to be at the heart of the modern
international drug trade.
From its very inception, the CIA has been embroiled in the murky underworld of drug trafficking.
In the late 1940s, the CIA funneled arms and funds
to the Corsican Mafia in return for their assistance in breaking up
widespread labour strikes in France that were threatening to establish
communist control over the Old Port of Marseille. The Corsican crime
syndicate, in turn, used the CIA support to set up the trafficking
network known as “The French Connection” which saw heroin smuggled from Turkey to France, and shipped to the US, feeding an American heroin epidemic.
In Burma in 1950, the CIA regrouped the remnants of the defeated Nationalist Chinese Army,
or KMT, to start an invasion of Southern China and draw Chinese troops
away from the Korean front. Easily beaten back by Mao’s forces, the KMT
instead turned their attention to occupying Burma, imposing an opium tax
on all farmers in the opium-rich Shan highlands. Members of the Burmese
military claimed that the KMT opium was flown out to Thailand and
Taiwan on the same unmarked C-47s that the CIA had used to supply the
group in the first place.
In the 1960s and early 1970s, the CIA recruited the Laotian Hmong
tribe to fight communist forces in the region. The CIA encouraged the
Hmong to grow opium instead of rice to make them dependent on CIA air
drops of food. The agency could then force their compliance by
threatening to withdraw the food aid. To make the deal even sweeter,
they even located a heroin refinery at CIA headquarters in northern Loas and used Air America,
a passenger and cargo airline that was covertly owned and operated by
the CIA, to export the Laotian opium and heroin. Much of it ended up in
Vietnam, causing an epidemic of heroin addiction in US soldiers.
In the 1980s, the locus of opium production shifted from the Golden
Triangle, where the CIA was disengaging, to the Golden Crescent, where
it was engaging with the Afghan mujahedeen in their CIA-funded struggle
against the Soviets. Opium became a key funding mechanism for the
insurgency, and as Peter Dale Scott explained on The Eyeopener earlier this year, the correlation between CIA involvement in the region and increasing opium production was not coincidental.
Also in the 1980s, the US supported the Contras in their fight against the Sandanista government in Nicaragua. Officially barred
from arming and funding the Contras by congress, the CIA came up with a
scheme to sell arms to Iran and use the funds to illegally arm and
supply the Contras. CIA-protected drug smugglers flew down to Nicaragua
loaded with arms to supply the Contras and flew back loaded with
Columbian cocaine. A decade later, investigative reporter Gary Webb used official government documents to prove that the CIA had sheltered these drug smuggling operatives and followed the trail of this cheap Columbian cocaine to the beginning of the crack epidemic in South-Central LA.
Despite the numerous, documented and fully admitted examples of CIA
involvement in drug dealing in the past, the idea that the agency is
still tied in with international drug traffickers is largely dismissed
as the stuff of conspiracy theory.
Over the last several years, however, some sensational but
under-reported stories of plane crashes in Mexico have served to focus
attention once again on the issue of agency complicity in drug dealing.
In 2004, a Beech 200 was apprehended in Nicaragua with 1100 kilos of cocaine. It was bearing a false tail number for a CIA aircraft owned by a CIA shell company.
In 2006, a DC9 was seized on a jungle airstrip
in the Yucatan carrying 5.5 tons of cocaine packed into 126 identical
black suitcases. The plane’s owner was linked to a company called Skyway
Communications, whose CEO, James Kent, had previously held contract
positions supporting intelligence projects for the DoD.
In 2007, a Grumman Gulfstream II jet crashed in Mexico
carrying 3.3 tons of Columbian cocaine linked to the Mexican Sinaloa
drug cartel. Later it was revealed that the plane had previously been
used by the CIA to carry out rendition flights to Guantanamo Bay.
In 2008, a Cessna 402c aircraft was seized in Columbia
with 850 kilos of cocaine bound for the United States. The plane’s
purchase history links it to a company that one ex-CIA asset has
fingered as a company that has a history of being involved in US
government operations.
Now, the issue of intelligence agency drug dealing has once again
raised its head in spectacular fashion in a rather unlikely place: a
Chicago federal courtroom.
The case revolves around the prosecution of an accused Mexican drug
trafficker, Jesus Vicente Zambada Niebla. Zambada Niebla is part of the
famed Sinaloa drug cartel, an organization that has risen in Calderon’s
Mexico to become one of the most powerful international drug trafficking
cartels in the region, if not on the globe.
His case revolves around “Fast and Furious,”
an offshoot of the ATF’s Project Gunrunner which was ostensibly set up
to stop the flow of illegal weapons into Mexico but has in fact allowed
over 2000 guns to be smuggled under the ATF’s nose into the hands of
Mexican drug gangs.
Zambada Niebla is in court on charges of serving as the logistical
coordinator for the Sinaloa cartel, helping to import tons of cocaine
into the us by land, rail, and air.
The only problem is that Zambada Niebla is now claiming to to be an asset of the US government. In response to this claim, US government prosecutors are attempting to invoke
the “Classified Information Procedures Act” to keep classified material
relation to national security out of public court proceedings.
According to a former federal agent contacted for comment on the case
by Bill Conroy of NarcoNews, the invocation of CIPA means that CIA
involvement in the case “is a very reasonable conclusion” and that
“there is hot stuff to hide.”
Earlier this week, I had the chance to talk to Bill Conroy about the case, and about the possible relationship between the CIA and the Mexican drug cartels.
Despite the startling nature of the case, and the likelihood of
agency complicity in drug trafficking into the United States yet again,
the establishment media has been almost completely silent on this aspect
of the Fast and Furious scandal, with Bill Conroy at NarcoNews being
one of the only reporters on the beat at the moment.
Perhaps this is not surprising, given the shameful history of the
American media in their coverage of CIA-drug connections in the past.
After the publication of Gary Webb’s expose on the CIA-Contra drug
connections in the San Jose Mercury News in 1996, he was subjected to a
fierce critique from the Washington Post, the LA Times and the New York
Times. The backlash eventually forced Webb’s editors at the Mercury News
to back away from the story. The CIA’s own internal investigation by Inspector General Frederick Hitz vindicated much of Webb’s reporting, but Webb remained a journalistic outcast and the story was commonly believed to be discredited.
In 2004, Gary Webb was found dead from two gunshot wounds to the head. The death was ruled a suicide.
In the end, perhaps it is a simple matter of economics. There are
billions of dollars per year to be made in keeping the drug trade going,
and it has long been established that Wall Street and the major
American banks rely on drug money as a ready source of liquid capital.
In late 2009, Antonio Maria Costa, the head of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, even went on record
to say that it was primarily drug money that kept the American
financial system afloat during the 2008 crisis, estimating that some
$352 billion dollars of drug profits had been laundered via the major US
banks during that time.
With those kinds of funds at stake, it is unsurprising to see a
media-government-banking nexus develop around the status quo of a
never-ending war on drugs, aided, abetted and facilitated by the
modern-day British East India Company, the CIA.
As Presidential candidate Ron Paul pointed out
during his 1988 run for the White House, it is not until the people
take back their government and repeal the drug laws that help to
maintain this phony drug war and artificially inflate the prices of this
age-old scourge that we can begin to actually deal with the root of the
drug problem, and at the same time remove one of the key funding
sources for the CIA’s illegal operations