 Source: PhilStar
Source: PhilStar
Satur C. Ocampo
Last Thursday I received an emailed letter from an Australian who was
 in Manila last February 4 and read my column piece that day, about the 
new US defense plan calling for expanded American role and military 
presence in the Philippines.
Minus the compliments, let me share what Kenneth A. Fenwick, whom I don’t know personally, wrote:
“The US, in its belt tightening, has a new strategy to use other 
people’s and countries’ assets to continue its hegemony the best it can.
 My country, Australia, which may as well be another star on the US 
flag, has fallen to US pressure, and is allowing them to use our 
military bases here — for our own benefit of course.
“America at present is like a playboy with ten credit cards full 
to the hilt, and screams to be given another credit card, like a spoilt 
child, to continue with its flamboyance. But how long can the playboy 
keep it up?
“The propaganda, which is only fairy tales for adults, is thick 
everywhere. Just send in the troops, murder whoever you want, and call 
them peace keepers. If people who throw stones at American interests are
 called radicals, then what would you call someone who owns 11 aircraft 
carriers with full-blown battle fleets, and the biggest collection of 
weapons of mass destruction on the planet? Dangerous!
“If the Philippines lets America worm its way back into 
controlling the political mindset and system in your country, then throw
 away your Constitution; America did.”
I’ll not comment on Fenwick’s letter, except to say that I chuckled 
over his acerbic remark that his country “may as well be another star on
 the US flag.” It reminds me of some Filipinos who wish that were the 
case for the Philippines. I reacted the same way to his analogy of 
America with a playboy behaving like a spoiled brat.
But to pursue the subject seriously, let’s look closer into another 
aspect of the changes being proposed in the US defense plan, besides 
“rebalancing” towards Asia-Pacific as America withdraws from its Iraq 
and Afghanistan wars (discussed in this space last Feb. 4).
This specific plan, dubbed “Global SOF Alliance,” intends to make 
more resilient and more combat-effective the US elite Special Operation 
Forces, and quickly send them on special missions to any crisis area in 
the world, according to a report early this week in the International Herald Tribune.
Favored with increased funding — in contrast with other military 
components that will suffer cuts under the $525-billion Pentagon budget 
for 2013 — the Special Operations Command (Socom) proposes to expand its
 troops’ presence in regions where they haven’t operated in large 
numbers since 2001. Specially cited are Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
Admiral William H. McRaven, the Socom chief who supervised the 
commando raid in Pakistan last year that killed Osama bin Laden, 
specifically asks for additional authority to position SOFs and their 
war-fighting equipment “where intelligence and global events indicate 
they are most needed.” 
Commando teams will be on call to attack “terrorist targets” and 
rescue hostages, undertake training and liaison assignments, and “gather
 information to help the command better predict approaching (US) 
national security risks.”
Beyond that, McRaven wants explicit authority for Socom to deploy 
commando forces in “hot spots” without going through the standard 
operating procedure, which now takes time and a tedious route before 
Pentagon gives its approval. 
Under current guidelines though, the Socom can undertake missions “on
 its own for very special types of operations.” But for unmentioned 
reasons, such operations have been rarely carried out.      
Previous similar plans failed to take off because the State 
Department and four-star regional military commanders opposed them. US 
ambassadors in “crisis zones” had expressed concern that some commando 
operations may be deemed by host governments as violations of their 
sovereignty, while regional commanders feared Socom’s proposed 
additional authority would decrease theirs in their own turfs.
To overcome such opposition, McRaven has quietly lobbied in the White
 House, the Congress, and the Pentagon and sought to assure the regional
 commanders that his plan would be in support for them.
In the past decade, 80 percent of SOFs have been deployed in the 
Middle East — the rest are scattered thinly in over 70 countries around 
the world.
As of now, the Socom has about 66,000 combined military and civilian 
personnel, double the force in 2001. Its budget has correspondingly 
increased to $10.5 billion from $4.2 billion. Under the McRaven plan, at
 least 12,000 SOFs will remain stationed around the world.
There is no telling how many SOFs there have been among the 600 US 
troops that have been stationed, “on rotation basis,” in the Philippines
 since the “Balikatan” joint military exercises under the Visiting 
Forces Agreement began in 2002.
But what can be reasonably assumed is that, once the McRaven plan is 
approved, more SOFs will be deployed in the country. The Joint Special 
Operations Task Force, headquartered in a “facility” inside the AFP’s 
Andrews Base in Zamboanga City, will be reinforced. 
The facility has been marked off-limits to Filipinos — as if to taunt us: “This is America’s extraterritorial domain!”
