From: Global Research.ca and The Corbett Report
On October 2nd, the Council met again to announce that they had dropped the word “if” from their previous declaration on the basis of a report issued by a US State Department official named Frank Taylor. To this day, the evidence presented in Frank Taylor’s briefing is still classified, and the information that Secretary General Robertson called “clear and compelling” information pointing “conclusively” to an al-Qaida role in 9/11 has never been made public. Nor was this evidence ever presented to the FBI, who told investigative journalist Ed Haas in 2006 that there was “no hard evidence” linking Osama to 9/11.
What makes the nightmare of this invasion all the more disturbing is that in allowing this invasion to go forward and in offering no significant resistance to the operation itself, the public has effectively allowed the war criminals to set a series of disturbing precedents which future political leaders have used and in the future will no doubt continue to use in justifying their own wars of conquest.
TRANSCRIPT AND SOURCES:
October 7th marks the ten year anniversary of the commencement of
NATO operations in Afghanistan. Although the impending illegal invasion
of Iraq in 2003 was enough to drive millions of people worldwide into
the streets in protest, there has never been the same widespread
resistance to the Afghan war.
This war has been deemed the “right war” and given a broad measure of
support from across the political spectrum because it is still linked
in the popular imagination with the events of 9/11. Even a cursory
interrogation of these assumptions, however, shows that the absurd
nature of this pretext for what has been all along an illegal invasion
and occupation of a sovereign nation.
On the evening of 9/11, the North Atlantic Council issued a statement offering the assistance of all 18 NATO member states to the United States, calling the attacks “without precedent in the modern era.”
On the evening of 9/11, the North Atlantic Council issued a statement offering the assistance of all 18 NATO member states to the United States, calling the attacks “without precedent in the modern era.”
The next day the Council met again, making the extraordinary decision
to invoke Article 5 of the Washington Treaty for the first time in
NATO’s history. The carefully worded statement
contained the important stipulation that Article 5 would only apply if
it could be determined that the attacks were directed from abroad,
something that NATO Secretary General Robertson noted had not been determined.
On October 2nd, the Council met again to announce that they had dropped the word “if” from their previous declaration on the basis of a report issued by a US State Department official named Frank Taylor. To this day, the evidence presented in Frank Taylor’s briefing is still classified, and the information that Secretary General Robertson called “clear and compelling” information pointing “conclusively” to an al-Qaida role in 9/11 has never been made public. Nor was this evidence ever presented to the FBI, who told investigative journalist Ed Haas in 2006 that there was “no hard evidence” linking Osama to 9/11.
As the documentary record shows, the lip service paid to “finding
Osama” was never more than a convenient excuse for the Afghan invasion.
In February of 2001, the Taliban offered to turn bin Laden over to the United States, but the US refused. The offer was repeated
in October of 2001, shortly after the bombing started, but again the US
rejected it. Bin Laden himself was not even in Afghanistan at the time
of the 9/11 attacks, a point later confirmed by CBS News.
Eventually, all pretense was dropped that the invasion of Afghanistan had anything to do with finding Osama bin Laden. The mystery of this non-pretext for the Afghan invasion, however,
makes perfect sense, not if one sees the invasion as retaliation for
9/11, but, exactly the opposite, if one understands 9/11 as in fact the
pretext for a previously planned military operation to fulfill
previoiusly acknowledged Western geostrategic imperatives.
As National Security Advisor to Carter, Zbigniew Brzezinski oversaw “Operation Cyclone,”
a covert US plan for luring the Soviet Union into an unwinnable war in
Afghanistan by first fomenting and then actively supporting Islamic
fundamentalists in the country. This became the basis for the eventual
takeover of the country by the Taliban with active CIA support through
their front in the Pakistani Intelligence Services.
In 1997, just four years before the NATO invasion, Brzezinski wrote
that “For America, the chief geopolitical prize is Eurasia[...]Now a
non-Eurasian power is preeminent in Eurasia — and America’s global
primacy is directly dependent on how long and how effectively its
preponderance on the Eurasian continent is sustained.”
He pinpointed what he called the “Eurasian balkans,” an area
encompassing Afghanistan and its neighbors, as the most geo-politically
significant region to control for its gas and oil reserves and mineral
deposits. He argued that some form of extended American military
intervention in the region would be necessary, warning that a global
consensus on its foreign policy imperatives would be impossible “…except
in the circumstance of a truly massive and widely perceived direct
external threat.”
Later that year, a senior delegation from the Taliban came to the United States for meetings with Unocal about securing the rights to secure a gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to Pakistan across Afghanistan. In 2002, it was revealed
that the United States had been negotiating with the Taliban to secure
those oil interests, and that American negotiators had told the Taliban
that they had a choice: “You have a carpet of gold, meaning an oil deal,
or a carpet of bombs.” Shortly after the 9/11 attacks, a former
Pakistani foreign secretary revealed
to the BBC that a senior American official had told him in mid-July of
2001 that military action against Afghanistan would go ahead by the
middle of October.
When the Bush administration came into office, its first substantive national security decision directive, NSPD-9,
called for “military options against Taliban targets in Afghanistan,
including leadership, command-control, air and air defense, ground
forces, and logistics” and was presented to the president on September
4, 2001, seven days before 9/11.
What makes the nightmare of this invasion all the more disturbing is that in allowing this invasion to go forward and in offering no significant resistance to the operation itself, the public has effectively allowed the war criminals to set a series of disturbing precedents which future political leaders have used and in the future will no doubt continue to use in justifying their own wars of conquest.
Earlier this week, I talked to Rick Rozoff, director of Stop NATO International, about this very problem.
As worrying as all of these precedents are in the wake of continued
NATO aggression and domination in theaters like Libya, the Afghan people
themselves continue to be the forgotten victims of this war.
Punished for living within the borders of a country that was accuse
at one time of harbouring someone who was alleged without proof to have
been responsible for an act of terrorism which the majority of the
people don’t even know happened, the Afghans have watched as their cities, their towns, their infrastructure, and of course, their lives have been destroyed by the NATO war machine.
As Michel Chossudovsky of the Centre for Research on Globalization
told me earlier this week, the commencement of the NATO-led invasion of
Afghanistan ten years ago was by no means the commencement of the
destruction of that country in the name of Western geopolitical
strategy. In fact, as he argues, there has been a continuous
interference in Afghan affairs since the commencement of Operation
Cyclone under the Carter Administration in 1979, a 32-year long campaign
against Afghanistan that amounts, in effect, to a coordinated policy of
genocide against the Afghan people.
Ultimately, this genocidal campaign unmasks in the starkest terms the
complete hubris of the Western imperialist enterprise. As Afghans
continue to die, and attacks in the country continue to escalate, as an
administration that gave lip service to ending the wars as a cynical
campaign strategy then escalates its involvement in that war and expands
it into Pakistan, as a co-opted, establishment supporting “anti-war”
movement continues to tacitly support the massacre taking place in that
country because it can’t bring itself to question the pretext which was
never even given for the slaughter, those with the rationality to see
this war for what it is are left to wonder what lessons can be learned
from this thirty-two year long deception, and whether, once tricked into
going along with it, the public will ever wake up from the nightmare of
this illegal occupation, and bring itself to hold those criminal heads
of state who brought it about responsible for their actions.