From: Global Research.ca and The Corbett Report
  
On October 2nd, the Council met again to announce that they had dropped the word “if” from their previous declaration on the basis of a report issued by a US State Department official named Frank Taylor. To this day, the evidence presented in Frank Taylor’s briefing is still classified, and the information that Secretary General Robertson called “clear and compelling” information pointing “conclusively” to an al-Qaida role in 9/11 has never been made public. Nor was this evidence ever presented to the FBI, who told investigative journalist Ed Haas in 2006 that there was “no hard evidence” linking Osama to 9/11.
What makes the nightmare of this invasion all the more disturbing is that in allowing this invasion to go forward and in offering no significant resistance to the operation itself, the public has effectively allowed the war criminals to set a series of disturbing precedents which future political leaders have used and in the future will no doubt continue to use in justifying their own wars of conquest.
TRANSCRIPT AND SOURCES:
October 7th marks the ten year anniversary of the commencement of 
NATO operations in Afghanistan. Although the impending illegal invasion 
of Iraq in 2003 was enough to drive millions of people worldwide into 
the streets in protest, there has never been the same widespread 
resistance to the Afghan war.
This war has been deemed the “right war” and given a broad measure of
 support from across the political spectrum because it is still linked 
in the popular imagination with the events of 9/11. Even a cursory 
interrogation of these assumptions, however, shows that the absurd 
nature of this pretext for what has been all along an illegal invasion 
and occupation of a sovereign nation.
On the evening of 9/11, the North Atlantic Council issued a statement offering the assistance of all 18 NATO member states to the United States, calling the attacks “without precedent in the modern era.”
On the evening of 9/11, the North Atlantic Council issued a statement offering the assistance of all 18 NATO member states to the United States, calling the attacks “without precedent in the modern era.”
The next day the Council met again, making the extraordinary decision
 to invoke Article 5 of the Washington Treaty for the first time in 
NATO’s history. The carefully worded statement
 contained the important stipulation that Article 5 would only apply if 
it could be determined that the attacks were directed from abroad, 
something that NATO Secretary General Robertson noted had not been determined.
On October 2nd, the Council met again to announce that they had dropped the word “if” from their previous declaration on the basis of a report issued by a US State Department official named Frank Taylor. To this day, the evidence presented in Frank Taylor’s briefing is still classified, and the information that Secretary General Robertson called “clear and compelling” information pointing “conclusively” to an al-Qaida role in 9/11 has never been made public. Nor was this evidence ever presented to the FBI, who told investigative journalist Ed Haas in 2006 that there was “no hard evidence” linking Osama to 9/11.
As the documentary record shows, the lip service paid to “finding 
Osama” was never more than a convenient excuse for the Afghan invasion.
In February of 2001, the Taliban offered to turn bin Laden over to the United States, but the US refused. The offer was repeated
 in October of 2001, shortly after the bombing started, but again the US
 rejected it. Bin Laden himself was not even in Afghanistan at the time 
of the 9/11 attacks, a point later confirmed by CBS News.
Eventually, all pretense was dropped that the invasion of Afghanistan had anything to do with finding Osama bin Laden. The mystery of this non-pretext for the Afghan invasion, however, 
makes perfect sense, not if one sees the invasion as retaliation for 
9/11, but, exactly the opposite, if one understands 9/11 as in fact the 
pretext for a previously planned military operation to fulfill 
previoiusly acknowledged Western geostrategic imperatives.
As National Security Advisor to Carter, Zbigniew Brzezinski oversaw “Operation Cyclone,”
 a covert US plan for luring the Soviet Union into an unwinnable war in 
Afghanistan by first fomenting and then actively supporting Islamic 
fundamentalists in the country. This became the basis for the eventual 
takeover of the country by the Taliban with active CIA support through 
their front in the Pakistani Intelligence Services.
In 1997, just four years before the NATO invasion, Brzezinski wrote
 that “For America, the chief geopolitical prize is Eurasia[...]Now a 
non-Eurasian power is preeminent in Eurasia — and America’s global 
primacy is directly dependent on how long and how effectively its 
preponderance on the Eurasian continent is sustained.”
He pinpointed what he called the “Eurasian balkans,” an area 
encompassing Afghanistan and its neighbors, as the most geo-politically 
significant region to control for its gas and oil reserves and mineral 
deposits. He argued that some form of extended American military 
intervention in the region would be necessary, warning that a global 
consensus on its foreign policy imperatives would be impossible “…except
 in the circumstance of a truly massive and widely perceived direct 
external threat.”
Later that year, a senior delegation from the Taliban came to the United States for meetings with Unocal about securing the rights to secure a gas pipeline from Turkmenistan to Pakistan across Afghanistan. In 2002, it was revealed
 that the United States had been negotiating with the Taliban to secure 
those oil interests, and that American negotiators had told the Taliban 
that they had a choice: “You have a carpet of gold, meaning an oil deal,
 or a carpet of bombs.” Shortly after the 9/11 attacks, a former 
Pakistani foreign secretary revealed
 to the BBC that a senior American official had told him in mid-July of 
2001 that military action against Afghanistan would go ahead by the 
middle of October.
When the Bush administration came into office, its first substantive national security decision directive, NSPD-9,
 called for “military options against Taliban targets in Afghanistan, 
including leadership, command-control, air and air defense, ground 
forces, and logistics” and was presented to the president on September 
4, 2001, seven days before 9/11.
What makes the nightmare of this invasion all the more disturbing is that in allowing this invasion to go forward and in offering no significant resistance to the operation itself, the public has effectively allowed the war criminals to set a series of disturbing precedents which future political leaders have used and in the future will no doubt continue to use in justifying their own wars of conquest.
Earlier this week, I talked to Rick Rozoff, director of Stop NATO International, about this very problem.
As worrying as all of these precedents are in the wake of continued 
NATO aggression and domination in theaters like Libya, the Afghan people
 themselves continue to be the forgotten victims of this war.
Punished for living within the borders of a country that was accuse 
at one time of harbouring someone who was alleged without proof to have 
been responsible for an act of terrorism which the majority of the 
people don’t even know happened, the Afghans have watched as their cities, their towns, their infrastructure, and of course, their lives have been destroyed by the NATO war machine.
As Michel Chossudovsky of the Centre for Research on Globalization 
told me earlier this week, the commencement of the NATO-led invasion of 
Afghanistan ten years ago was by no means the commencement of the 
destruction of that country in the name of Western geopolitical 
strategy. In fact, as he argues, there has been a continuous 
interference in Afghan affairs since the commencement of Operation 
Cyclone under the Carter Administration in 1979, a 32-year long campaign
 against Afghanistan that amounts, in effect, to a coordinated policy of
 genocide against the Afghan people.
Ultimately, this genocidal campaign unmasks in the starkest terms the
 complete hubris of the Western imperialist enterprise. As Afghans 
continue to die, and attacks in the country continue to escalate, as an 
administration that gave lip service to ending the wars as a cynical 
campaign strategy then escalates its involvement in that war and expands
 it into Pakistan, as a co-opted, establishment supporting “anti-war” 
movement continues to tacitly support the massacre taking place in that 
country because it can’t bring itself to question the pretext which was 
never even given for the slaughter, those with the rationality to see 
this war for what it is are left to wonder what lessons can be learned 
from this thirty-two year long deception, and whether, once tricked into
 going along with it, the public will ever wake up from the nightmare of
 this illegal occupation, and bring itself to hold those criminal heads 
of state who brought it about responsible for their actions.
