Source: Infowars
Jurriaan Maessen
Jurriaan Maessen
In a 2009 policy paper,
published by the influential Brookings Institute, the authors propose
almost anything to guarantee dominance of Persia, including such
measures as bribery, lying, cheating and mass murdering in the shape of
an all-out military assault on Iran. The paper ‘Which path to Persia:
Options for a New American Strategy toward Iran’ is just one of many
recent and not so recent examples of an unwavering resolve by the
Anglo-American establishment to engage Iran militarily and acquire its
natural resources at the same time.
The group of authors — a cozy little convergence of globalists —
contemplate four separate options on ‘how to deal with Iran’ in the cold
bureaucratic language that poses as scientific but really amounts to
little more than the intelligent musings of a calculating psychopath.
The first option, ‘Dissuading Tehran’ through diplomatic means is being
discussed as something tried, tested and discarded into the trashcan of
history. The second option, ‘Disarming Tehran’ covers several ways of
rallying the ‘international community’ around the globalists’
intentions. In the third part, ‘Toppling Tehran’ the warmongering
increases as the writers contemplate both covert and overt military
action against the Islamic republic of Iran. In the fourth and last
section, ‘Deterring Tehran’ the option of ‘containment’ is elaborated
upon. The proposed final strategy predictably involves all of the above
mentioned options, in roughly the same order of appearance.
To ensure the cooperation of surrounding countries, the authors
propose bribery as an effective tool. After the authors assert that ‘it may be necessary to cut some deals in order to secure Moscow’s support for a tougher Iran policy’,
the authors continue with their ‘brainstorming’, advising a widespread
bribery campaign in order to ensure international cooperation in regards
to Iran:
‘Other countries also will
want payoffs from the United States in return for their assistance on
Iran. Such deals may be distasteful, but many will be unavoidable if the
Persuasion approach is to have a reasonable chance of succeeding.’ And further on: ‘To
be successful, a Persuasion approach would invariably require
unpleasant compromises with third-party countries to secure their
cooperation against Iran.’
This means the US will have to cut all kinds of deals with dictators,
bloodthirsty local tyrants and other corrupt kings of Arabia- even
facilitating them with weapons. Besides rallying the ‘international
community’ around the Anglo-American establishment with the help of
these ‘unpleasant compromises’, the paper stresses it will also be
necessary to persuade the Iranians themselves to topple their government
(page 39):
‘Inciting regime change in
Iran would be greatly assisted by convincing the Iranian people that
their government is so ideologically blinkered that it refuses to do
what is best for the people and instead clings to a policy that could
only bring ruin on the country.’
But the authors underline the necessity of creating a favorable climate for the transnationalists in which to operate.
‘(…) any military operation against Iran will likely be very unpopular around the world and require the proper international context (…) The
best way to minimize international opprobrium and maximize support
(however, grudging or covert) is to strike only when there is a
widespread conviction that the Iranians were given but then rejected a
superb offer- one so good that only a regime determined to acquire
nuclear weapons and acquire them for the wrong reasons would turn it
down. Under those circumstances, the United States (or Israel) could
portray its operations as taken in sorrow, not anger, and at least some
in the international community would conclude that the Iranians “brought
it on themselves” by refusing a very good deal.’
Here the authors seem to abandon even the facade of civility as they
proceed. Even though the authors put these vile warmongering words in
quotes, they cannot mask the mindset behind those words. They mean to
rally the ‘international community’ through bribery and deceit- as a
steppingstone towards military strikes. The path toward such military
strikes will be made smooth by economically strong-holding surrounding
countries, forcing them to accept western military action as well as the
justifications for it without question.
Military action. This is as acutely on the mind of the current
chickenhawks, as the invasion of Iraq was on that of the neocons in the
last couple of decades. Apparently, the authors feel compelled to give a
justification for the obvious bravura of their manuscript.
‘We chose to consider this
extreme and highly unpopular option partly for the sake of analytical
rigor and partly because if Iran responded to a confrontational American
policy- such as an airstrike, harsh new sanctions, or efforts to foment
regime change- with a major escalation of terrorist attacks (or more dire moves against Israel and other American allies), invasion could become a very “live” option.’
As this geopolitical feeding frenzy increases, the authors clearly
begin to lose their cool as they begin to talk about the real plan
behind all this elaborate brainstorming, reflecting on the long-term
agenda of the globalists for whom they work:
‘Like Iraq’, the authors state, ‘Iran
is too intrinsically and strategically important a country for the
United States to be able to march in, overthrow its government, and then
march out, leaving chaos in its wake. (…) Iran
exports about 2.5 million barrels per day of oil and, with the right
technology, it could produce even more. It also has one of the largest
reserves of natural gas in the world. These resources make Iran an
important supplier of the energy needs of the global economy. Iran does
not border Saudi Arabia- the lynchpin of the oil market- or Kuwait, but
it does border Iraq, another major oil producer and a country where the
United States now has a great deal at stake.’
And exactly in line with their master’s tendency of using false
flags, they allow themselves the luxury of speculating openly about a
possible ‘provocation’ to escalate things to the point of armed
conflict.
‘(…) it is not
impossible that Tehran might take some action that would justify an
American invasion. And it is certainly the case that if Washington
sought such a provocation, it could take actions that might make it more
likely that Tehran would do so (although
being too obvious about this could nullify the provocation). However,
since it would be up to Iran to make the provocation move (…), the
United States would never know for sure when it would get the requisite
Iranian provocation. In fact, it might never come at all.’
Now that would be a great disappointment, wouldn’t it? Under the
headline ‘The Question of a Provocation’ on page 66, the authors press
the point even further:
‘With provocation,
the international diplomatic and domestic political requirements of an
invasion would be mitigated, and the more outrageous the Iranian
provocation (and the less that the United States is seen to be goading
Iran), the more these challenges would be diminished. In the absence of a
sufficiently horrific provocation, meeting these requirements would be
daunting.’
Reminiscent of the Pearl Harbor-quote by raving neocons pre-9/11, the
authors continue imagining how excellent it would be to have an
Iranian-sponsored terror attack within the US to trigger war and march
off toward Iran. During all this, the authors are aware how unlikely it
is that Iran would actually commit such an attack on American soil
(probably because they know who is usually responsible for such mass
terror attacks):
‘Something on the
order of an Iranian-backed 9/11, in which the plane wore Iranian
markings and Tehran boasted about its sponsorship.(…). The
entire question of “options” becomes irrelevant at that point: what
American president could refrain from an invasion after the Iranians had
just killed several thousand American civilians in an attack in the
United States itself?‘
Regarding the question of international support for an US invasion of the Islamic Republic, the Brookings people lament:
‘Other than a Tehran-sponsored 9/11, it is hard to imagine what would change their minds.’
The same goes for their plans in regards to that old favorite of the
elite, covert psychological warfare, in order to subdue a sovereign
nation. In chapter 7 of the manuscript, called ‘Inspiring an
Insurgency’, it examines the possibility of propagandizing the Iranian
people into helping out the globalists loot their nation:
‘The core concept lying at
the heart of this option would be for the United States to identify one
or more Iranian opposition groups and support them as it did other
insurgencies in Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Kurdistan, Angola, and dozens of
other locales since the Second World War. The United States would
provide arms, money, training, and organizational assistance to help the
groups develop and extend their reach. U.S. media and propaganda
outlets could highlight group grievances and showcase rival leaders.’
Isn’t that a familiar sight? Could one way to ‘highlight’ group
grievances be to mass distribute the death of a poor woman and then
claim it’s all thanks to Twitter?
All this hinting at another false-flag attack underway and prepping
the international community for a future invasion of Iran is becoming
increasingly serious as the warmongering is being stepped up. This is
the time to fix our eyes upon these globalists and their think tanks. If
their blatant arrogance permits them to openly publish their
bloodthirsty musings, we should be vigilant enough to pass this
knowledge around lest we have another 9/11 on our hands.